"Radicalization in India-Pakistan Arena"
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Religious freedom is a dream far from fulfillment in both India and Pakistan even in 21st century. The majority religious groups continue to impose their doctrines on the minorities under them, devouring their fundamental rights. True religious freedom, which both Mr. Jinnah and Mr. Gandhi had envisioned in their struggle for freedom, will probably go down as an unaccomplished ideal in the constitutional practice of the two states. Surprisingly enough, the forces behind the social mechanism in both India and Pakistan triggered a reverse-function after the partition, and therefore, contrary to the beliefs of the founding fathers of both countries, a process of radicalization set in with an absolute revocation of religious freedom previously promised to the minor communal groups.
The phenomenon of radicalization in the Subcontinent has a history in its background that needs to be contextualized. Ever since the half century-long regime of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb Alamgir, the two religious groups have driven so far away from one another in hatred that a reconciliation beyond redeeming the past would not be a possibility. India practically experiences a doubly heated issue of the retrospective hatred because India has to tackle with Hindu-Muslim problem internally on the one hand, and with the presence of an overwhelmingly Islamic state in its neighborhood that was carved out of its own geography on the other. Unlike India, Pakistan undergoes a different form of socio-religious radicalization, which stems from Pan-Islamism movement rather than being a purely India centric drive, per se.
Pakistan is assumed to be a major exporter of terrorist in the world. However, if we continue to accuse Pakistan alone of harboring and promoting 'fundamentalism, religious extremism,’ and ‘sectarian fanaticism,' it will not serve the purpose of truth. The grater reality around Pakistan must be put in perspective in order to translate the position and internal condition of Pakistan. The stereotyping and suffering of the Muslims is indeed a global phenomenon today. Pakistan cannot stand alone in the face of such allegations as having trained the militants for guarding its strategic interests because this particular practice emerged from global trend of breeding non-state actors. The USA and the USSRproxies are a good example to make a point here. Moreover, the problem equally lies in other territories with the existence of massive militant outfits, such as ISIL and Boko Haram, even in today’s post 911 scenario.
India, for instance, has witnessed an equally strong wave of religious fanaticism andHindutva Ideology reversal in the form of Hindu radicalization of the society afterPartition. However, the Hindus seek inspiration for their religious extremism from the 'revenge-factor' for having been deprived of their supremacy in India for a thousand years. The Muslims may, on the other hand, be nostalgic for having lost the 'golden past' and being no longer able to control the India—and the world at large. These two forces, with their emotions deeply immersed in the troubled waters of past, still haunt the peace and freedom of the region. The group that suffers for the most part in such a critical situation is the peaceful citizenry with the golden principle of coexistence being at stake.
Pakistani Christians are a minority group that appears to have suffered more than any other group in a recent past. The discrimination of Christians is being strongly felt and condemned in Pakistan’s educated echelons. Since the Christians are only 1.6% of the total population, it is not impossible to bring them back into the mainstream after some effort. However, the problem of communal conflict cannot be seen at its worst anywhere in the world than in India. Let us not stereotype Pakistan by ignoring a greater truth here. Indian Muslims are suffering at a larger scale with the stereotyping of their loyalties towards the state of India. The demands for professing loyalty to India in assemblies, media and public are gradually becoming more commonplace. The Kashmiri Huriyat Leaders and theOwaisi Brothers of Haiderabad, for instance, are among the frontline suspects who are constantly accused of sedition. Similarly, the event of the expulsion of 66 Kashmiri students from Meerut University is yet another example of such Hindu skepticism towards Muslims’ loyalty. On the other hand, the creation of Hindutva ideologue outfits, such as Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Wishwa Hindu Parishad, and Shuddhikaran (Cleansing) Movement etc. speak for the radicalization of the Hindus. Unfortunately, mosques and churches are regularly vandalized by the activists of these groups.
In India, it is not only the distorted—hence destroyed—global image of Islam and Muslims that affect the peaceful existence of Muslims, the Indian grievances towards Pakistan also contribute to the adversity of the Indian Muslims.
In theory, every religious community including Muslims enjoy religious freedom in India. However, an open dialogue between various communal groups, particularly Hindus and Muslims, does not exist at grassroots’ level. Pakistan, on the other hand, does not have an internal Hindu-Muslim confrontation problem. The fever of Pan-Islamism among the religious schools has stricken Pakistan beyond remedy in the aftermath of religious ideologies’ politicization. The state sought to develop strategic assets from the Pan-Islamist schools for a potential future saga with India. This ended up being counterproductive, particularly in the backlash of 911.
Present realities demand from both countries a review of their policies regarding minorities.
_____________________
Syed M. Waqas
The phenomenon of radicalization in the Subcontinent has a history in its background that needs to be contextualized. Ever since the half century-long regime of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb Alamgir, the two religious groups have driven so far away from one another in hatred that a reconciliation beyond redeeming the past would not be a possibility. India practically experiences a doubly heated issue of the retrospective hatred because India has to tackle with Hindu-Muslim problem internally on the one hand, and with the presence of an overwhelmingly Islamic state in its neighborhood that was carved out of its own geography on the other. Unlike India, Pakistan undergoes a different form of socio-religious radicalization, which stems from Pan-Islamism movement rather than being a purely India centric drive, per se.
Pakistan is assumed to be a major exporter of terrorist in the world. However, if we continue to accuse Pakistan alone of harboring and promoting 'fundamentalism, religious extremism,’ and ‘sectarian fanaticism,' it will not serve the purpose of truth. The grater reality around Pakistan must be put in perspective in order to translate the position and internal condition of Pakistan. The stereotyping and suffering of the Muslims is indeed a global phenomenon today. Pakistan cannot stand alone in the face of such allegations as having trained the militants for guarding its strategic interests because this particular practice emerged from global trend of breeding non-state actors. The USA and the USSRproxies are a good example to make a point here. Moreover, the problem equally lies in other territories with the existence of massive militant outfits, such as ISIL and Boko Haram, even in today’s post 911 scenario.
India, for instance, has witnessed an equally strong wave of religious fanaticism andHindutva Ideology reversal in the form of Hindu radicalization of the society afterPartition. However, the Hindus seek inspiration for their religious extremism from the 'revenge-factor' for having been deprived of their supremacy in India for a thousand years. The Muslims may, on the other hand, be nostalgic for having lost the 'golden past' and being no longer able to control the India—and the world at large. These two forces, with their emotions deeply immersed in the troubled waters of past, still haunt the peace and freedom of the region. The group that suffers for the most part in such a critical situation is the peaceful citizenry with the golden principle of coexistence being at stake.
Pakistani Christians are a minority group that appears to have suffered more than any other group in a recent past. The discrimination of Christians is being strongly felt and condemned in Pakistan’s educated echelons. Since the Christians are only 1.6% of the total population, it is not impossible to bring them back into the mainstream after some effort. However, the problem of communal conflict cannot be seen at its worst anywhere in the world than in India. Let us not stereotype Pakistan by ignoring a greater truth here. Indian Muslims are suffering at a larger scale with the stereotyping of their loyalties towards the state of India. The demands for professing loyalty to India in assemblies, media and public are gradually becoming more commonplace. The Kashmiri Huriyat Leaders and theOwaisi Brothers of Haiderabad, for instance, are among the frontline suspects who are constantly accused of sedition. Similarly, the event of the expulsion of 66 Kashmiri students from Meerut University is yet another example of such Hindu skepticism towards Muslims’ loyalty. On the other hand, the creation of Hindutva ideologue outfits, such as Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Wishwa Hindu Parishad, and Shuddhikaran (Cleansing) Movement etc. speak for the radicalization of the Hindus. Unfortunately, mosques and churches are regularly vandalized by the activists of these groups.
In India, it is not only the distorted—hence destroyed—global image of Islam and Muslims that affect the peaceful existence of Muslims, the Indian grievances towards Pakistan also contribute to the adversity of the Indian Muslims.
In theory, every religious community including Muslims enjoy religious freedom in India. However, an open dialogue between various communal groups, particularly Hindus and Muslims, does not exist at grassroots’ level. Pakistan, on the other hand, does not have an internal Hindu-Muslim confrontation problem. The fever of Pan-Islamism among the religious schools has stricken Pakistan beyond remedy in the aftermath of religious ideologies’ politicization. The state sought to develop strategic assets from the Pan-Islamist schools for a potential future saga with India. This ended up being counterproductive, particularly in the backlash of 911.
Present realities demand from both countries a review of their policies regarding minorities.
_____________________
Syed M. Waqas